Saturday, July 29, 2023

LDF: The Supreme Court's Affirmative Action Decision: SFFA v. Harvard and SFFA v. UNC

The Supreme Court's Affirmative Action Decision: SFFA v. Harvard and SFFA v. UNC

On June 29, 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court issued its ruling in SFFA v. Harvard and SFFA v. UNC and found that Harvard and the University of North Carolina’s affirmative action programs violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This devastating decision overrules 45 years of precedent established in prior Supreme Court decisions, including Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, Grutter v. Bollinger, and Fisher v. University of Texas.

On October 31, 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the cases Students for Fair Admissions (SFFA) v. Harvard and Students for Fair Admissions (SFFA) v. University of North Carolina (UNC), two landmark cases involving affirmative action. SFFA, an organization created by Edward Blum, filed the lawsuits in 2014 as part of a relentless crusade to overturn 40+ years of precedent and eliminate the consideration of race in college admissions. Blum is also responsible for the litigation in Shelby County v. Holder.

LDF has long represented twenty-five Harvard student and alumni organizations of thousands of Black, Latinx, Asian American, Native American, and white students and alumni as amici curiae, or “friends of the court,” in the Harvard lawsuit. You can find SFFA v. Harvard briefs and case documents here. LDF presented members of its client organizations as witnesses at the 2018 trial and submitted declarations, other evidence, briefs and oral argument on their behalf. LDF filed an amicus brief in the Supreme Court of the United States in SFFA v. UNC on behalf of LDF and the NAACP in support of UNC’s race-conscious admissions process.

About the Supreme Court's Decisions in SFFA v. Harvard and SFFA v. UNC

Tulsa~Restitution?

Everything They Owned Burned, and They Still Can’t Get Restitution 102 Years Later https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/28/opinion/tulsa-race-massacre-reparations.html?smid=nytcore-android-share

The First Name of a Justice is not Justice. ~ Chafetz. NY Times

Mr. Chafetz is the author of “Congress’s Constitution.”

Although the Supreme Court has been deciding cases at a glacial pace this term — and that with an almost comically small docket of only 59 merits cases — the justices have found other ways to keep busy. They have been spinning their ethical lapses (Justice Clarence Thomas), blowing off congressional oversight (Chief Justice John Roberts), giving interviews whining about public criticism (Justice Samuel Alito) and presenting awards to one another (Justice Elena Kagan to Mr. Roberts).

In the cases it has decided, the Supreme Court has gutted an important provision of the Clean Water Act and made it easier for private litigants to mount constitutional challenges to an administrative agency’s structure or existence. Opinions still to come threaten to strike down everything from affirmative action in education to student debt relief to the Indian Child Welfare Act.

Court observers might be tempted to describe all this as a relatively recent development, a function of the court’s 6-to-3 Republican-appointed supermajority. The University of Michigan law professor Leah Litman has called this the “YOLO court” (for “you only live once”), because of the majority’s apparent sense of liberation in pursuing long-held conservative goals. Mark Lemley of Stanford placed the beginning of the “imperial Supreme Court” in 2020.

Thursday, July 27, 2023

The Ketanji Brown Jackson dissent: SFFA v. University of North Carolina (UNC)



 

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, 

with whom Justices Kagan and Sotomayor join dissenting


Students for Fair Admissions v. President and Fellows of Harvard College  Nos. 20-1199 and 21-707 Decided June 29, 2023

In SFFA v. Harvard and UNC the Supreme Court took a blunt hammer to the principles which have governed university treatment of applicants’ race  since  Bakke v. Regents in 1978.  Already on the way to abandoning Brown v. Board’s integration mandate in all but the narrowest circumstances Allen Bakke successfully challenged the University of California Davis Medical School in what was then called a “reverse discrimination” case. UC Davis’s affirmative action plan survived but just barely.  

n his concurring opinion  Lewis Powell said that diversity of student body could be seen as a a compelling state interest.  In a sentence that would change the language and the approach of competitive colleges and universities for almost fifty years Powell - for the court found that “the goal of achieving a diverse student body is sufficiently compelling to justify consideration of race in admissions decisions under some circumstances.” Every admissions officer and committee since has explored the meaning of “”a diverse student body”.

Ketanji Brown Jackson - recently appointed and the first African American woman to serve on the high court was blunt.  She opened with this:

Gulf-sized race-based gaps exist with respect to the health, wealth, and well-being of American citizens.  They were created in the distant past but have indisputably been passed down to the present day through the generations.


Such references to the consequences of past discrimination have been out of favor since 1988 when in Croson v. City of Richmond  Justice Sandra Day O’Connor wrote that a “generalized” history of discrimination did not justify the City’s remedial quota system.  In the landmark Parents Involved  v. Seattle [2008]  The Chief Justice famously paraphrased another judge to say that “the way to stop discrimination by race is to stop discriminating by race”.   There the plurality renounced even voluntary public school integration plans. Stephen Breyer, in his dissent, defined such plans as  “race-conscious desegregation measures that the Constitution permitted, but did not require ”.

 Brown Jackson continued that argument by Justice Breyer for whom she had clerked.  She rebutted the view that “it is unfair” for a college to to “consider race as one factor”in admissions.  She concluded:

Given the lengthy history of state-sponsored race-based preferences in America, to say that anyone is now victimized if a college considers whether that legacy of discrimination has unequally advantaged its applicants fails to acknowledge the well-documented “intergenerational transmission of inequality”that still plagues our citizenry. It is that inequality that admissions programs such as UNC’s help to address, to the benefit of us all. Because the majority’s judgment stunts that progress without any basis in law, history, logic, or justice, I dissent.

We can see the legacy of discrimination in Maureen O’Connell’s Undoing the Knots which shows the long history of housing discrimination in Philadelphia, in Richard Rothstein’s The Color of  Law, and in recent panelist Kevin Boyle’s National Book Award winner Arc of Justice which tells a story of racial discrimination in housing in Detroit in the 1920s.  

But now - as we have learned of the broader and deeper history from Fr. Kellerman, What is to be done?  As a Catholic institution which served immigrants who themselves were often anti- Black do we have a special obligation to made amends

Congress Has the Authority to Regulate Supreme Court Ethics - and the Duty | Brennan Center for Justice

Congress Has the Authority to Regulate Supreme Court Ethics - and the Duty | Brennan Center for Justice
By Martha Kinsella

In the wake of a series of ethics scandals involving Supreme Court justices, the Senate Judiciary Committee will consider a bill Thursday that would safeguard against corruption on the high court. With public opinion of the Court at historic lows, reform is urgently needed to restore faith in its impartiality.  

Some opponents claim that reforms would be somehow unconstitutional. While Congress must respect the separation of powers and decisional independence of the justices, it has long exercised its constitutional power to regulate ethics in the Supreme Court. Congress must now take further action to rein in abuse of power in the high court. Our constitutional system of checks and balances requires it. 

The list of recent unethical conduct by Supreme Court justices and members of their families is long. It includes repeated failures by Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito to disclose lavish gifts from billionaires with ties to right-wing legal organizations, failures by nearly all of the justices to recuse themselves from cases in which they had financial connections to the litigants, and justices’ spouses benefiting financially from law firms and nonprofit groups with business before the Court.  

This brazenly unethical conduct, and the justices’ years-long refusal to take voluntary steps to prevent further abuses, points to significant shortcomings in the longstanding statutory framework Congress has created to regulate Supreme Court ethics.  

On Thursday, the Senate Judiciary Committee will hold a hearing on the Supreme Court Ethics, Recusal, and Transparency Act, which would require the Supreme Court to adopt a binding code of conduct and develop a process for enforcement. It would also require the Court to adopt rules requiring disclosure for gifts, travel, and income that are at least as rigorous as analogous House and Senate Rules. And it would strengthen recusal rules by, among other things, requiring a written explanation of recusal decisions and creating a mechanism for review of recusal requests. 

As the history of congressional regulation of Supreme Court ethics makes clear, it is squarely within Congress’s constitutional power to ensure the integrity of a coequal branch by holding Supreme Court justices to high ethical standards. Since the founding, Congress has played a central role in regulating the ethical conduct of the justices, first by requiring them to take an oath written by Congress. Congress also sets the terms by which federal judges, including Supreme Court justices, retire and how they are compensated.  

Since 1948, Congress has required the justices to recuse themselves from cases in certain circumstances, including in any proceeding in which their impartiality might reasonably be questioned. At the same time, the law does not provide a clear mechanism to challenge a justice’s failure to recuse, leaving a great deal of discretion in the hands of justices with conflicts of interest. As for disclosure, Congress has required the justices to disclose their financial holdings and regulated other sources of income since 1978, with increased transparency requirements around securities transactions enacted on a bipartisan basis just last year. But the justices currently embroiled in scandals involving the failure to disclose information about gifts maintain that the law does not require such disclosure.  

Congress’s mandate to “make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution [its enumerated] Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States” implicitly grants Congress the authority to enact a wide range of legislation to facilitate the exercise of judicial power. This includes ethics legislation, which safeguards the legitimacy of the Court by protecting the quality of its decision-making. Moreover, Congress has the ultimate power to impeach and remove justices for bad behavior, which justifies regulation to ensure good behavior. 

To be sure, it would be an abuse of congressional power to encroach upon judicial independence in deciding cases, for instance by retaliating against the justices for unpopular decisions. Further, Congress has enacted ethics laws that apply to another coequal branch of government, the executive branch. These guardrails against corruption and abuse of power in coequal branches of government comport with the principle of checks and balances fundamental to our constitutional system.  

Building on existing laws, it would be a modest step for Congress to increase disclosure requirements, strengthen the recusal process, and require Supreme Court justices to adhere to a binding code of conduct. Such reforms are not merely within Congress’s constitutional power to enact, they are essential to safeguarding the rule of law. 

Major Questions, Common Sense? by Kevin Tobia, Daniel Walters, Brian G. Slocum :: SSRN

Major Questions, Common Sense? by Kevin Tobia, Daniel Walters, Brian G. Slocum :: SSRN  https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4520697 

Major Questions, Common Sense?

62 Pages Posted:

Kevin Tobia

Georgetown University Law Center; Georgetown University - Department of Philosophy

Daniel Walters

Texas A&M University School of Law

Brian G. Slocum

Florida State University, College of Law

Date Written: July 26, 2023

Abstract

The Major Questions Doctrine (“MQD”) is the newest textualist interpretive canon, and it has driven consequential Supreme Court decisions concerning vaccine mandates, environmental regulation, and student loan relief. But the new MQD is a canon in search of legitimization. Critics allege that the MQD displaces the Court’s conventional textual analysis with judicial policymaking. Textualists have now responded that the MQD is a linguistic canon, consistent with textualism. Justice Barrett recently argued in Biden v. Nebraska that the MQD is grounded in ordinary people’s understanding of language and law, and scholarship contends that the MQD reflects ordinary people’s understanding of textual clarity in “high stakes” situations. Both linguistic arguments rely heavily on “common sense” examples from philosophy and everyday situations.

This Article tests whether these examples really are common sense to ordinary Americans. We present the first empirical studies of the central examples offered by advocates of the MQD, and the results undermine the argument that the MQD is a linguistic canon. Even worse for proponents of the MQD, we show that the interpretive arguments used to legitimize the MQD as a linguistic canon threaten both textualism and the Supreme Court’s growing anti-administrative project.

Keywords: textualism, interpretation, ordinary meaning, statutory interpretation, Supreme Court, major questions doctrine, jurisprudence

‘All God’s Dangers,’ a Forgotten Autobiography - The New York Times


Ned  Cobb aka Nate Shaw with wife Viola
and child Andrew in 1907
Photo courtesy of Theodore Rosengarten


‘All God’s Dangers,’ a Forgotten Autobiography - The New York Times

Nineteen seventy-four was a good year for nonfiction writing in America. Robert A. Caro’s monumental biography of Robert Moses, “The Power Broker,” came out. So did Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein’s “All the President’s Men.” So did “Working,” by Studs Terkel, and Robert M. Pirsig’s “Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance.”

Each was a finalist for the National Book Award. Yet the winner in general nonfiction — the category was then called contemporary affairs — was “All God’s Dangers: The Life of Nate Shaw,” an oral history of an illiterate black Alabama sharecropper. Its author, the man who compiled it from extensive interviews, was a writer named Theodore Rosengarten.

Forty years later, we remember “The Power Broker,” “All the President’s Men,” “Working” and “Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance.” But in a troubling quirk of history, “All God’s Dangers” has all but fallen off the map.

Somewhere along the line, people stopped talking about it. Friends of mine who talk about nothing except Southern literature have barely heard of the book. I pounced on it after I discovered that Richard Howorth, the well-read owner of Square Books, the independent bookstore in Oxford, Miss., utters its title aloud every time a customer asks the question, “What one book would you say best explains the South?”

Wednesday, July 26, 2023

The Worst Trump Judge In America Is James Ho | Balls and Strikes

As a matter of style I don't use hyperbole.  Balls & Strikes likes to shock.  But they're careful about facts.  So here is the first in a series.
Note that James Ho announced that he was boycotting Yale because of student protests there. - GWC
The Worst Trump Judge In America Is James Ho | Balls and Strikes



Welcome to the FedSoc Twelve, a Balls & Strikes series about some of Donald Trump’s most unhinged judicial appointees. These judges, whether in their legal opinions or their off-the-clock conduct, have continued to push Trump’s agenda from the bench, forming something of a life-tenured Originalism Caucus within the federal judiciary. This summer, we’ll be checking in on these men and women now that they’ve gotten a chance to spread their wings during the Biden administration—and as they fight to be first in line for a Supreme promotion the next time Republicans control the White House.
The Résumé

James Ho attended the University of Chicago Law School, where he was—prepare to be shocked—a member of the Federalist Society. After law school, Ho clerked for Jerry Smith, a Reagan appointee to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. He then worked in President George W. Bush’s Justice Department, first in the Civil Rights Division and then in the Office of Legal Counsel. At the OLC, he overlapped with John Yoo, with whom co-wrote a law review article arguing that the Geneva Conventions did not apply to anyone that the United States claimed was in al Qaeda or the Taliban.

Following this short stint aiding and abetting American war crimes, Ho worked for various Republican-controlled Senate subcommittees before clerking for known conflict of interest enjoyer Clarence Thomas. (Editor’s note: We began finalizing these profiles in May 2023 and do not know how many more Clarence Thomas-related ethics scandals have come to light since.)

After clerking for Thomas, Ho was briefly Solicitor General of Texas, succeeding now-Senator Ted Cruz, before moving into private practice at Gibson Dunn. And after several years of sticking up for the little guys like Texas oil companies and Wal-Mart, Trump nominated him in 2017 to the Fifth Circuit, which is the nation’s most conservative federal appeals court.
trump judges james ho

The Worst Trump Judge in America is Lawrence VanDyke | Balls and Strikes

The Worst Trump Judge in America is Lawrence VanDyke | Balls and Strikes

Welcome to the FedSoc Twelve, a Balls & Strikes series about some of Donald Trump’s most unhinged judicial appointees. These judges, whether in their legal opinions or their off-the-clock conduct, have continued to push Trump’s agenda from the bench, forming something of a life-tenured Originalism Caucus within the federal judiciary. This summer, we’ll be checking in on these men and women now that they’ve gotten a chance to spread their wings under the Biden administration—and as they fight to be first in line for a Supreme promotion the next time Republicans control the White House.

The Resume:

Lawrence VanDyke graduated from a Denver-based bible college that still teaches that “God’s original plan, from the beginning, was one man and one woman for life,” that remarriage after divorce is a sin, and that women must “assum[e] a submissive position” in the church. Worse, he went to Harvard Law School.

Before joining Harvard Law Review in 2003, VanDyke was an editor for the school’s Journal of Law and Public Policy. This particular Journal has a fancy name, but it is a right-wing rag; it sells itself as “the nation’s leading forum for conservative and libertarian legal scholarship” and is a “sister organization” of Harvard’s Federalist Society. VanDyke is, of course, a member of the Federalist Society. 

Safely ensconced in the heights of the conservative legal movement, VanDyke never left. His resume is a who’s-who of right-wing government law offices. After clerking for Judge Janice Rogers Brown, a George W. Bush appointee, he joined the Texas Solicitor General’s office before becoming Solicitor General in both Montana and Nevada.  

In Nevada, VanDyke had his dream job, signing on to other states’ high-profile lawsuits against the Obama administration and doing very little day-to-day legal work. Before that, he had hoped to do the same in Montana, but Montana’s Attorney General actually expected him to take depositions, respond to discovery requests, and otherwise do the grunt work of litigating the cases he decided to bring. Faced with the prospect of having to actually practice law, VanDyke quit in a huff, ran for the Montana Supreme Court, lost, then fled to Nevada. In 2019, Trump appointed him to work in the DOJ’s Environment and Natural Resources Division before nominating him to the Ninth Circuit later that year.

VanDyke faced an unusual Senate confirmation battle in part because the American Bar Association rated him not qualified to be a judge. The ABA said former colleagues described him as “arrogant, lazy, an ideologue, and lacking in knowledge of the day-to-day practice.” The ABA went on to say that he “lacks humility … does not have an open mind, and does not always have a commitment to being candid or truthful.” But what the Judiciary Committee found even more troubling were concerns his colleagues raised that he may not “be fair to persons who are … part of the LGBTQ community.” When asked about this last remark during his confirmation hearing, VanDyke broke down in tears, replying while crying that “It is a fundamental belief of mine that all people are created in the image of God, and they should all be treated with dignity and respect.” Stay tuned on that!

The Worst Trump Judge in America is Chad Readler | Balls and Strikes

The Worst Trump Judge in America is Chad Readler | Balls and Strikes


The Resume

Compared to some other federal judges, Chad Readler is a man of the people. Chad didn’t go to an elite, Ivy League law school, and he didn’t get clerk for some high-falutin Supreme Court Justice. He made his own way in the world after graduating from Michigan, one of the nation’s elite law schools outside of the Ivies, and clerking for Reagan appointee Alan Norris on the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals, one step below the Supreme Court.

After his clerkship, he worked at Biglaw firm Jones Day for 20 years. Jones Day’s lawyers are some of the most conservative of all large law firms. It’s long been a corporate litigation powerhouse, regularly representing corporate employers in disputes with their employees and fighting countless federal rules that could hurt corporate profits. And it’s quietly resolved claims that it fostered a frat party atmosphere and underpaid women who worked there. Small wonder that its lawyers filled the ranks of the Trump Administration.

Chad fit right in at Jones Day, representing clients like R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company when it challenged bans on cigarette advertisements near schools and Wells Fargo when it foreclosed on people’s homes. He also represented Donald Trump’s campaign in Ohio and Pennsylvania in 2016, back when Trump’s electoral strategy involved fewer coup attempts. In one case, after Trump suggested at an Ohio rally that his voters should monitor “certain areas” and patrol polling places to intimidate minority voters, the Ohio Democratic Party sued the Trump campaign seeking an injunction to stop the Trump campaign from doing so. And they won – until Chad helped Trump skate by on appeal. All his hard work must have made an impression on Trump, because he was in the first wave of Jones Day lawyers that swept into the Justice Department in January 2017.

At the Justice Department, Chad was the Assistant Attorney General appointed to run the Civil Division, which is supposed to defend against challenges to federal agency policies. While there, he signed onto a brief arguing that the Census Bureau had completely legitimate reasons for asking everyone in America if they were a citizen. That case went to the Supreme Court, which narrowly held that the Census didn’t adequately explain its reasons for asking a citizenship question. In a completely unpredictable twist, Trump’s Commerce Secretary later admitted that he had added the question after virulent racists Steve Bannon and Kris Kobach asked him to. Bannon and Kobach hoped that the question would scare noncitizens and undocumented people from answering the Census. So all of Chad’s briefing had been a legal fig leaf for a failed xenophobic pressure campaign. A normal person might feel guilty after participating in a racist coverup like that. Chad got nominated to the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals.