But given that the links between violent extremism and the Republican Party—along with a large segment of the nation’s population—are now wide and deep, the challenge of uprooting domestic extremist networks and their support structure is more daunting than anything the nation has faced for decades, possibly since Reconstruction. Furthermore, unlike in the wake of the Civil War, today’s supporters of insurrection have not been defeated in battle; to the contrary, some are situated in positions of power and influence. And it is a certainty that they will use every lever available to stymie and undermine any substantial law enforcement efforts.
Many leaders of what has become the GOP “establishment” have reason to fear the kind of thoroughgoing investigation of domestic extremism that law enforcement agencies have previously conducted of foreign extremist groups, one that extends to reach the financial and organizational support for domestic extremist networks. It not only appears likely that such inquiries will reach Republican officeholders, but also some of the party’s wealthiest donors, many of whom have previously been able to mask their identities and roles behind dark money conduits like Donors Trust.
One can well expect those with the most to lose from an effective investigation of the nature and scope of domestic extremism will do everything they can to increase the political stakes, and to demonize the investigators, a strategy Donald Trump employed to great effect.
Leaders on the right are already sending out warning flares to their followers, preemptively challenging the legitimacy of such law enforcement efforts. Tucker Carlson has declaimed to his audience that investigations of white supremacist violence will be an investigation of “you,” and asserted that the direction of law enforcement resources against domestic extremism is a threat to the liberty of all on the right.
For his part, Newt Gingrich—who seethed decades ago as Bill Clinton associated his nihilistic attacks on government institutions with then nascent militia violence—has described the calls for action against insurrectionist celebrity Greene as the actions of a “lynch mob.” Even Nikki Haley, who initially criticized Trump’s incitement (to the displeasure of a GOP gathering), is now mocking Biden for “protecting the Capitol from Americans.”
The purpose of these messages is clear: To create a threat that a thoroughgoing offensive against domestic extremism will lead to a conflagration, as the millions who just went to the polls to vote for Trump and other extremist candidates are induced to feel themselves to be threatened, along with those who incited them.
Furthermore, while there is increasing support for a robust and comprehensive response to domestic violent extremism, and talk about devoting additional resources, there also remains an entrenched resistance in the law enforcement community—including within the FBI—to, finally, taking such steps. That resistance must be overcome. Certainly, Biden’s attorney general nominee, Merrick Garland, who oversaw the prosecution of the Oklahoma City bombers, understands the nature of the threat.
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