The Supreme Court fundamentally altered the way that our federal government functions on Friday, transferring an almost unimaginable amount of power from the executive branch to the federal judiciary. By a 6–3 vote, the conservative supermajority overruled Chevron v. NRDC, wiping out four decades of precedent that required unelected judges to defer to the expert judgment of federal agencies. The ruling is extraordinary in every way—a massive aggrandizement of judicial power based solely on the majority’s own irritation with existing limits on its authority. After Friday, virtually every decision an agency makes will be subject to a free-floating veto by federal judges with zero expertise or accountability to the people. All at once, SCOTUS has undermined Congress’ ability to enact effective legislation capable of addressing evolving problems and sabotaged the executive branch’s ability to apply those laws to the facts on the ground. It is one of the most far-reaching and disruptive rulings in the history of the court.
Friday, June 28, 2024
Chevronnacht: Elena Kagan is horrified by what the Supreme Court just did. You should be too.
The Jurisprudence of Justice Gorsuch and Future Efforts to Address Climate Change - Michigan Law Review
The Jurisprudence of Justice Gorsuch and Future Efforts to Address Climate Change
Introduction
Following the Trump administration’s significant reshaping of the federal judiciary1 and a number of blockbuster Supreme Court cases during the October 20212 and October 2022 Terms,3
environmental law is shifting rapidly toward a more restrictive vision of federal regulation. Justice Gorsuch has been clamoring for such a revolution throughout his time on the bench. Since joining the Supreme Court, he has not only provided a crucial vote for limiting the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)’s regulatory authority, but also advanced a radical vision of the separation of powers that would drastically alter our modern system of administrative governance. In several of his opinions, Justice Gorsuch has opposed federal regulations on quite expansive grounds, criticizing deference to agency expertise and questioning the constitutionality of delegation to administrative agencies.4See Heather Elliot, Gorsuch v. The Administrative State, 70 Ala. L. Rev. 703, 707 (2019) (“Judge Gorsuch even gestured toward a belief that administrative agencies are themselves unconstitutional.”); see also Gundy v. United States, 139 S. Ct. 2116, 2137–43 (2019) (Gorsuch, J., concurring); West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587, 2617 (2022) (Gorsuch, J., concurring). He has also praised the slow trickle of congressional legislation, arguing that it is consistent with the Founders’ vision of a limited federal government.5See Gutierrez-Brizuela v. Lynch, 834 F.3d 1142 (10th Cir. 2016); West Virginia, 142 S. Ct. at 2618 (Gorsuch, J., concurring).
Although Justice Gorsuch’s views on the administrative state are more extreme than those of most other Supreme Court Justices, his perspective appears to have influenced the Court’s shift to a “more formalist and less pro-agency direction.”6Kristin E. Hickman, Response, The Roberts Court’s Structural Incrementalism, 136 Harv. L. Rev. F. 75, 78 (2022), https://harvardlawreview.org/forum/vol-136/roberts-courts-structural-incrementalism [perma.cc/PGX2-M6VL]; see also Gundy v. United States, 139 S. Ct. 2116, 2141 (2019) (Gorsuch, J., dissenting). In Gundy, Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Thomas signed onto Justice Gorsuch’s dissent, which argued that the major questions doctrine had taken the place of the discredited nondelegation doctrine since “[w]hen one legal doctrine becomes unavailable to do its intended work, the hydraulic pressures of our constitutional system sometimes shift the responsibility to different doctrines.” Id. Compare West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587, 2609 (2022) (Roberts, C.J.) (stating that “both separation of powers principles and a practical understanding of legislative intent” provide grounds for invoking the major questions doctrine), with id. at 2617 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (stating that the major questions doctrine operates “to protect the Constitution’s separation of powers”). This does not bode well for the federal government’s ability to undertake significant, swift regulatory actions to avoid serious environmental effects from climate change. The current Court’s hostility to federal regulations is particularly dire given congressional deadlock on climate legislation to create a carbon tax or cap-and-trade program.7 Republicans Help the US Reach Its Climate Targets?, Inside Climate News (Jan. 25, 2023), https://insideclimatenews.org/news/25012023/amid-rising-emissions-could-congressional-republicans-help-the-us-reach-its-climate-targets [perma.cc/LKG3-96ES]. While the Inflation Reduction Act and the EPA’s recent slate of greenhouse gas regulations will lead to less reliance on fossil fuels, the U.S. will need additional measures to meet its stated target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions to 50 percent below 2005 levels by 2030.8Id.
If Congress is unlikely to pass another climate bill, and the EPA is doing all it can under the Clean Air Act, are we out of other options? This essay will argue that Justice Gorsuch’s jurisprudence suggests that state actions, whether through legislation or the common law, may be a viable pathway to address the climate crisis.
Thursday, June 27, 2024
Wednesday, June 26, 2024
Bribery and gratuities Snyder v. United States (06/26/2024)
The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. U.S. Const.Article II , Section 4
Congress has established comprehensive prohibitions on both bribes and gratuities to federal officials. If a federal official accepts a bribe for an official act, federal bribery law provides for a 15- year maximum prison sentence. See 18 U. S. C. §201(b). By contrast, if a federal official accepts a prohibited gratuity, federal gratuities law sets a 2-year maximum prison sentence. See §201(c).
Justice Jackson, dissenting
Today’s case involves one such person. James Snyder, a former Indiana mayor, was convicted by a jury of violating §666 after he steered more than $1 million in city contracts to a local truck dealership, which turned around and cut him a $13,000 check. He asks us to decide whether the language of §666 criminalizes both bribes and gratuities, or just bribes. And he says the answer matters because bribes require an upfront agreement to take official actions for payment, and he never agreed beforehand to be paid the $13,000 from the dealership.
Tuesday, June 25, 2024
Solicitior General seeks Scotus review in five more gun cases.
It shall be unlawful for any person—(1)who has been convicted in any court of, a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year;
In Rahimi the Court was oddly fractured yet united in the view that one held to have committed an act of domestic violence is barred - at least temporarily - from lawful possession of a gun. Six joined John Roberts opinion of the Court, but five wrote separate concurrences.
Clarence Thomas, alone, dissented, claiming
It is also undisputed that the Second Amendment applies to Rahimi. By its terms, the Second Amendment extends to “‘the people,’” and that “term unambiguously refers to all members of the political community, not an unspecified subset.” Id., at 580. The Second Amendment thus recognizes a right “guaranteed to ‘all Americans.’” Bruen, 597 U. S., at 70 (quoting Heller, 554 U. S., at 581). Since Rahimi is a member of the political community, he falls within the Second Amendment’s guarantee. [emph. added]
The SG's supplemental (post Rahimi) brief in Garland v. Range argues
These five cases present the question whether 18 U.S.C. 922(g)(1), the statute prohibiting a person from possessing a firearm if he has been convicted of “a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year,” ibid., violates the Second Amendment. In each case, we asked this Court to hold the petition for a writ of certiorari pending its decision in United States v. Rahimi, No. 22-915 (June 21, 2024). Now that the Court has decided Rahimi, we believe that it should grant plenary review to resolve Section 922(g)(1)’s constitutionality. In particular, the Court should grant the petitions in Doss, Jackson, and either Range or Vincent; consolidate the granted cases for briefing and argument; and hold the remaining petitions pending the resolution of the granted cases. If the Court chooses not to take that course, it should grant, vacate, and remand (GVR) in Range and deny certiorari in the remaining cases.
This will be an interesting test. Amy Barrett, while on the 7th Circuit dissented in a case barring a gun from a man convicted of tax fraud.
- GWC 6/25/2024
Wednesday, June 19, 2024
UN Security Counsel Resolution 2735 Israel- Gaza Ceasefire
United Nations S/RES/2735 (2024)
Security Council Distr.: General
10 June 2024
24-10326 (E) *2410326*
Resolution 2735 (2024) Adopted by the Security Council at its 9650th meeting, on 10 June 2024
The Security Council, Reaffirming the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, Recalling all its relevant resolutions on the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question,
Underscoring the importance of the ongoing diplomatic efforts by Egypt, Qatar, and the United States aimed at reaching a comprehensive ceasefire deal, consisting of three phases,
1. Welcomes the new ceasefire proposal announced on May 31, which Israel accepted, calls upon Hamas to also accept it, and urges both parties to fully implement its terms without delay and without condition;
2. Notes that the implementation of this proposal would enable the following outcomes to spread over three phases:
(a) Phase 1: an immediate, full, and complete ceasefire with the release of hostages including women, the elderly and the wounded, the return of the remains of some hostages who have been killed, the exchange of Palestinian prisoners, withdrawal of Israeli forces from the populated areas in Gaza, the return of Palestinian civilians to their homes and neighborhoods in all areas of Gaza, including in the north, as well as the safe and effective distribution of humanitarian assistance at scale throughout the Gaza Strip to all Palestinian civilians who need it, including housing units delivered by the international community;
(b) Phase 2: upon agreement of the parties, a permanent end to hostilities, in exchange for the release of all other hostages still in Gaza, and a full withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza; and
(c) Phase 3: the start of a major multi-year reconstruction plan for Gaza and the return of the remains of any deceased hostages still in Gaza to their families;
3. Underlines that the proposal says if the negotiations take longer than six weeks for phase one, the ceasefire will still continue as long as negotiations continue, and welcomes the readiness of the United States, Egypt, and Qatar to work to ensure negotiations keep going until all the agreements are reached and phase two is able to begin; S/RES/2735 (2024) 2/2 24-10326
4. Stresses the importance of the parties adhering to the terms of this proposal once agreed and calls upon all Member States and the United Nations to support its implementation;
5. Rejects any attempt at demographic or territorial change in the Gaza Strip, including any actions that reduce the territory of Gaza;
6. Reiterates its unwavering commitment to the vision of the two-State solution where two democratic States, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace within secure and recognized borders, consistent with international law and relevant UN resolutions, and in this regard stresses the importance of unifying the Gaza Strip with the West Bank under the Palestinian Authority;
7. Decides to remain seized of the matter
Jackson dissents in Starbucks case: NLRB pro-labor injunction reversed: by Scotus
The default rule is that a plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must make a clear showing that “he is likely to succeed on the merits, that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that an injunction is in the public interest.”
This has a familiar feel but until now "The default rule is that a plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must make a clear showing that “he is likely to succeed on the merits, that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that an injunction is in the public interest.”
So this is a relatively low impact decision by a court which - had it been asked - would surely have upheld the effort to break the Debs-led railroad workers boycott of Pullman-owned sleeper cars.
Dissent by Jackson, J. June 13, 2024
“When Congress entrusts to an equity court the enforcement of prohibitions contained in a regulatory enactment, it must be taken to have acted cognizant of the historic power of equity to provide complete relief in light of the statutory purposes.” Mitchell v. Robert DeMario Jewelry, Inc., 361 U. S. 288, 291-292, 80 S. Ct. 332, 4 L. Ed. 2d 323 (1960).
Accordingly, when interpreting a statute that authorizes equitable relief, like a preliminary injunction, this Court typically employs what amounts to a two-part inquiry focused on congressional intent. See Hecht Co. v. Bowles, 321 U. S. 321, 328-331, 64 S. Ct. 587, 88 L. Ed. 754 (1944).
First, we determine whether Congress has stripped courts of their traditional equitable discretion by “a clear and valid legislative command.” Porter v. Warner Holding Co., 328 U. S. 395, 398, 66 S. Ct. 1086, 90 L. Ed. 1332 (1946). Second, if no such clear command is found, we look to the statutory context to assess how courts should exercise their equitable discretion “‘as conditioned by the necessities of the public interest which Congress has sought to protect.’” Weinberger v. Romero-Barcelo, 456 U. S. 305, 320, 102 S. Ct. 1798, 72 L. Ed. 2d 91 (1982) (quoting Hecht, 321 U. S., at 330, 64 S. Ct. 587, 88 L. Ed. 754).
Today, the Court correctly applies the first step, but ignores the second. I agree with the majority that nothing in the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) clearly strips courts of their equitable discretion to determine whether to issue a so-called §10(j) injunction.
And I concur in the conclusion that we should vacate and remand [*20] for the Sixth Circuit to reevaluate this case under our traditional four-factor test for assessing requests for preliminary injunctions.
But I cannot join the majority in ignoring the choices Congress has made in the NLRA about how courts should exercise their discretion in light of the National Labor Relations Board’s authority over labor disputes. Because the majority chooses the simplicity of unfettered judicial discretion over the nuances of Congress’s direction, I respectfully dissent in part.
I
The question in this case is how district courts should evaluate the Board’s request for a preliminary injunction in light of Congress’s intentions. See 29 U. S. C. §160(j) (authorizing a district court to issue “such temporary relief or restraining order as it deems just and proper”). The majority suggests a sharp dichotomy: Either courts retain all of their equitable discretion, or the Board gets undue deference. See ante, at 8-10. But, “[w]hen Congress invokes the Chancellor’s conscience to further transcendent legislative purposes, what is required is the principled application of standards consistent with those purposes,” not unbridled equitable discretion, “‘which varies like the Chancellor’s foot.’” [*21] Albemarle Paper Co. v. Moody, 422 U. S. 405, 417, 95 S. Ct. 2362, 45 L. Ed. 2d 280 (1975) (alteration omitted).
Our Hecht case is instructive, for it establishes the framework we have long used to assess whether an injunction authorized by a statute should issue. 1 In Hecht, the Court was asked to determine whether the Emergency Price Control Act’s direction that an injunction “‘shall be granted’” after a violation was found displaced a court’s equitable discretion. 321 U. S., at 322, 64 S. Ct. 587, 88 L. Ed. 754. As the majority acknowledges, after finding no clear indication that Congress intended to displace equitable discretion, the Hecht Court concluded that the answer was no. See ante, at 7. 2
But Hecht did not end there. The Court emphasized that the mere fact that the Emergency Price Control Act lacked an “unequivocal statement” displacing courts’ equitable discretion did not “imply that courts should administer [the Act] grudgingly.” 321 U. S., at 329-330, 64 S. Ct. 587, 88 L. Ed. 754.
Instead, the Court explained, courts should see themselves as partners of the agency that administered the Act. Congress “entrusted” each “with a share of . . . responsibility” for effectuating its goals. Id., at 331, 64 S. Ct. 587, 88 L. Ed. 754. In other words, “[c]ourt and agency are the means adopted to attain the prescribed end, and so far as their duties are defined by the words of the statute, [*22] those words should be construed so as to attain that end through coordinated action.” Id., at 330, 64 S. Ct. 587, 88 L. Ed. 754. Therefore, a court’s “discretion . . . must be exercised in light of the large objectives of the Act.” Id., at 331, 64 S. Ct. 587, 88 L. Ed. 754.
Hecht’s two-step framework is still in use today. We only rarely find that a statute clearly displaces courts’ equitable discretion. See, e.g., TVA v. Hill, 437 U.S. 153, 193-195, 98 S. Ct. 2279, 57 L. Ed. 2d 117 (1978) (finding such displacement in the Endangered Species Act). So, in most cases in which equitable relief is authorized by statute, the movant must contend with the court’s equitable authority. In statutes that involve preliminary injunctive relief, that means the party seeking relief “must establish
[1] that he is likely to succeed on the merits,
[2] that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, [3] that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and
[4] that an injunction is in the public interest.” Winter v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U. S. 7, 20, 129 S. Ct. 365, 172 L. Ed. 2d 249 (2008).
Starbucks Corp. v. McKinney, No. 23-367, 2024 U.S. LEXIS 2603, at *18-22 (June 13, 2024)
Monday, June 17, 2024
Over two-justice Batson dissent, Supreme Court affirms death penalty
A divided Supreme Court today upholds the death sentence in People v. Nadey for a 1996 murder and unlawful sodomy in Alameda.
The disagreement is mainly about a Batson/Wheeler issue. The U.S. Supreme Court’s Batson decision and the California Supreme Court’s Wheeler decision establish that it’s unconstitutional for an attorney to racially discriminate in peremptorily challenging prospective jurors.
The prosecution used peremptory challenges to excuse five Black women from the jury. The trial court found a prima facie case of discrimination, but ruled the prosecution’s stated reasons for the strikes were “genuine and facially neutral.”
The court’s opinion by Justice Carol Corrigan gives deference to the trial court’s acceptance of the prosecution’s reasons, even though the judge didn’t justify their ruling on the record. The majority states, “we have repeatedly explained that trial courts are ‘ “ ‘not required to make specific or detailed comments for the record to justify every instance’ ” ’ in which they have accepted a prosecutor’s race-neutral reasons for a strike as genuine.”
Justice Goodwin Liu dissents, joined by Justice Kelli Evans. He claims that the majority “improperly defers to the trial court’s rulings” because there is no “indication in the record that [the trial court] ‘made a “sincere and reasoned effort to evaluate the nondiscriminatory justifications offered.” ’ ”
Norcross: Parker McCay, Brown and Connery Partners Face Racketeering Indictments | New Jersey Law Journal
By A leading attorney at the firm Parker McCay and a partner with Brown & Connery are facing criminal charges for their alleged involvement in a purported criminal enterprise led by New Jersey power broker George E. Norcross III.
At a press conference Monday afternoon, New Jersey Attorney General Matthew J. Platkin announced the indictments of six defendants, including Norcross, as well as his brother, Philip A. Norcross, who is managing shareholder and CEO of Parker McCay, and William M. Tambussi, a partner with Brown & Connery.
A 13-count indictment was unsealed Monday, alleging that Norcross’ alleged enterprise obtained property rights on the Camden Waterfront for itself and others through a series of unlawful acts. The indictment further alleged that the company collected millions of dollars in government-issued tax credits and controlled and influenced government officials to further the enterprise’s interests, according to the attorney general’s press release.
Tuesday, June 11, 2024
Gifts to Justices
In 1969 Justice Abraham Fortas resigned because of two instances of dubious financial conduct.
Justice Clarence Thomas shows no such inclination.
Monday, June 10, 2024
Fifth Circuit abuse of administrative stays - Vladeck
Saturday, June 8, 2024
Why is Justice Thomas still Justice Thomas?
It pays to be Justice Clarence Thomas.
— Steven Mazie (@stevenmazie) June 6, 2024
New data from @FixTheCourt on the value of gifts justices received & reported over the past two decades. pic.twitter.com/EE5f9wV1GY
Friday, June 7, 2024
Justice Thomas corrects disclosures
Justice Clarence Thomas Acknowledges He Should Have Disclosed Free Trips From Billionaire Donor
by Joshua Kaplan, Justin Elliott and Alex Mierjeski
ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.
Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas’ decadeslong friendship with real estate tycoon Harlan Crow and Samuel Alito’s luxury travel with billionaire Paul Singer have raised questions about influence and ethics at the nation's highest court.
Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas acknowledged for the first time in a new financial disclosure filing that he should have publicly reported two free vacations he received from billionaire Harlan Crow.
The pair of 2019 trips, one to Indonesia and the other to the Bohemian Grove, an all-male retreat in northern California, were first revealed by ProPublica. Last year, Thomas argued that he did not need to disclose such gifts. “Justice Thomas’s critics allege that he failed to report gifts from wealthy friends,” his lawyer previously said in a statement issued on the justice’s behalf. “Untrue.”
In the new filing released Friday, however, Thomas amended his financial disclosure for 2019, writing that he “inadvertently omitted” the trips on his previous reports.
Last year, ProPublica documented an array of undisclosed luxury vacations and other gifts Thomas has received over the years from several billionaires, including Crow. ProPublica revealed Crow had treated Thomas to numerous private jet flights and international yacht cruises, covered private school tuition for Thomas’ relative, and paid Thomas money in an undisclosed 2014 real estate deal.
Legal ethics experts said that Thomas appeared to have violated the law by failing to disclose the trips and gifts.
The Thomas revelations helped plunge the Supreme Court into its biggest ethical crisis in the modern era. Justice Samuel Alito also failed to disclose a luxury fishing trip that was paid for by wealthy political donors, one of whom had cases before the court. In recent weeks, Alito has faced criticism for politicized flags that flew at two of his homes. The public’s approval of the court has plummeted in the last few years, polls show.
In response, the court last year adopted a code of conduct for the first time in its history. The code, however, has no enforcement mechanism.
This is not the first time that Thomas has responded to public controversy about his disclosure practices by amending an old form. The forms are required by a federal law passed after Watergate that says justices must annually report income, assets and most gifts. At least twice before, Thomas has similarly defended his failure to make required disclosures as an unintentional error or a misunderstanding of the rules.
Last summer, Thomas amended his 2014 disclosure to include the real estate deal with Crow after ProPublica reported on the transaction. At the time, he wrote that he “inadvertently failed to realize” that the deal needed to be publicly reported and said he “continues to work” with judiciary staff to determine “whether he should further amend his reports from any prior years.”
Thomas engaged an outside lawyer last year to review his past filings. The new filing does not make clear whether that review is finished. The justice and his attorney did not immediately respond to requests for comment. In a statement last year, Thomas’ attorney, Elliot Berke, said that “after reviewing Justice Thomas’s records, I am confident there has been no willful ethics transgression.”
A committee of judges of the Judicial Conference, the principal policymaking body for federal courts, also said last year it had launched a review of the allegations against Thomas. By law, if there is “reasonable cause” to believe a justice intentionally omitted information from a report, the conference is supposed to refer the matter to the attorney general. Such a referral would be unprecedented. A judiciary spokesperson told ProPublica on Friday there is no update on that review.
Even after the new amendments, there are many gifts Thomas received that he has still not disclosed.
As ProPublica previously reported, in 2019, Thomas flew to Indonesia on Crow’s private jet for an extended island cruise on Crow’s superyacht. If Thomas had chartered the plane and the yacht himself, it could have cost more than half a million dollars. Seven ethics-law experts said that Thomas appeared to have violated federal law by failing to disclose the free travel.
Thomas did not mention the flight to Indonesia or the yacht trip in his new filing. However, he disclosed a previously unknown detail about the trip: that Crow and his wife paid for Thomas’ stay at a hotel in Bali. Thomas acknowledged that he should have reported that.
ProPublica also reported that Thomas had taken at least six undisclosed trips with Crow to the Bohemian Grove. Thomas’ amendments to his reports include only one of those trips. Members typically must pay thousands of dollars to bring a guest to the retreat.
In his new filing, Thomas disclosed receiving one gift last year: photo albums that he valued at $2,000 from Terrence and Barbara Giroux. Terrence Giroux was the executive director of the Horatio Alger Association, a nonprofit that provides college scholarships to low-income students. Thomas is an honorary board member of the nonprofit.
Thomas reported no free trips last year, which would make 2023 an anomaly. Thomas received undisclosed vacations from Crow and other wealthy benefactors virtually every year for more than two decades.
In the disclosure forms released Friday, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson was the only other Supreme Court justice to report receiving a gift in 2023. Jackson said she received $12,500 worth of artwork for her chambers at the court, as well as a gift from Beyoncé of four concert tickets, which she valued at $3,711.84.
Alito, who has said he did not need to disclose his fishing trip, received a 90-day extension for filing his disclosure form for last year.
Monday, June 3, 2024
Justice Alito Fails Both Constitutional Law and Property Law - Michael Dorf
Among the more eyebrow-raising statements by Justice Alito in the course of blaming his wife for flying insurrectionist flags was this:
My wife and I own our Virginia home jointly. . . . She therefore has the legal right to use the property as she sees fit, and there were no additional steps that I could have taken to have the flag taken down more promptly.
The legal right? What legal right?
Let's begin with the obvious. The First Amendment has no bearing on the claim asserted by Justice Alito because with respect to intra-marital disputes with Mrs. Alito, he is not a state actor.
Suppose that as soon as Justice Alito saw the upside-down flag flying on the flagpole on the property he jointly owns with his wife (as what the law calls "joint tenants") he had said to her: "Sweetheart, can you please take down that flag? As you know, I'm a Supreme Court Justice. Flying it creates an appearance of impropriety that could jeopardize my ability to sit on some cases." Suppose further that she then said: "Nope." And finally suppose that Justice Alito then went out into the yard and took down the flag anyway.
I'll come to the property law issue in a moment, but it should be clear that in taking down the flag, Justice Alito would not have been infringing Mrs. Alito's constitutional right to free speech. When sitting as a Justice, he acts on behalf of the government; when puttering around the yard at home, he does not.
With no constitutional free speech issue involved, the next question is what property law has to say. A little bit of research reveals that Virginia property law is not unusual. Like the law of property in other states, it gives joint tenants an equal right to use their real property but offers virtually no guidance as to what happens when they disagree over how to use it. To see why, imagine a non-expressive use of property.

