Thursday, April 3, 2025

Trump Goes Crazy on Tariffs - Krugman

His numbers make no sense - Krugman

 

Trump Goes Crazy on Tariffs

By Paul Krugman

Just a quick update after Trump’s Rose Garden speech.

I guess it’s just possible that when we get details about the Trump tariffs they will be lower than what he just announced, but based on what he said, he’s gone full-on crazy. It’s not just that he appears to be imposing much higher tariffs than almost anyone expected. He’s also making false claims about our trading partners — not sure in this case whether they’re lies, because he may be truly ignorant — that will both enrage them and make it very hard to back down.

Wednesday, April 2, 2025

Another one bites the dust: Millbank Tweed buckles under to Trump

 from Bloomberg News 

Milbank Signs Deal With Trump to Avoid Executive Order 


Milbank has struck a deal with President Donald Trump to avoid an executive order as the law firm agreed to spend $100 million in pro bono services.

Milbank has also pledged to not engage in any “illegal DEI discrimination” and will not deny representation to clients because of political views of individual lawyers, according to the agreement posted Wednesday on Trump’s Truth Social platform.

Milbank approached the Trump administration “stating their resolve to help end the weaponization of the justice system and the legal profession,” the White House said in the statement.

The announcement comes less than 24 hours after Trump announced a similar deal with Willkie Farr & Gallagher in which that New York-founded law firm also pledged $100 million in pro bono services during the Trump administration. Paul Weiss Rifkind Wharton & Garrison and Skadden Arps Slate Meagher & Flom also reached similar deals.


Eric Adams: Judge Ho dismisses charges with prejudice


Mayor Eric Adams: Judge Dale E. Ho dismisses charges "with prejudice "

New York's Mayor Eric Adams has gotten what he sought: the dismissal with prejudie of charges that he corruptly obtained benefits from the government of Turkey.  He will face his challengers without facing trial.  But U.S. District Judge Dale E. Ho - who at Adams request dismissed the charges with prejudice - lambasts the Department of Justice for improperly attempting to hold Adams hostage. In a 78 page opinion he writes:

The DOJ does not seek to end this case once and for all.  Rather its request, if granted, would leave  Mayor Adams under the specter of reindictment at essentially anytime and for essentially any reason.

On February 14, 2025, the Department ofJustice ("DOJ") filed a motion seeking to dismiss without prejudice the Indictment against New YorkCity Mayor Eric Adams, pursuant to Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 48(a).1 ECF No. 122 (the “Rule 48(a) Motion"). DOJ's Motion states that dismissal of this case is justified for several reasons, including because “continuing these proceedings would interfere with” the Mayor's ability to govern, thereby threatening  federal immigration initiatives and policies.” Id. ¶ 6.

A critical feature of DOJ's Motion is that it seeks dismissal without prejudice—that is, DOJ seeks to abandon its prosecution of Mayor Adams at this time, while reserving the right to reinitiate the case in the future. DOJ does not seek to end this case once and for all. Rather, its request, if granted, would leave Mayor Adams under the specter ofreindictment at essentially any time, and for essentially any reason.

The Court declines, in its limited discretion under Rule 48(a), to endorse that outcome.

Instead, it dismisses this case with prejudice—meaning that the Government may not bring the charges in the Indictment against Mayor Adams in the future. In light of DOJ's rationales, dismissing the case without prejudice would create the unavoidable perception that the Mayor's freedom depends on his ability to carry out the immigration enforcement priorities of the  administration,  and that his freedom depends on his ability to carry out the immigration enforcement  priorities of the administration, and that he  that he might be more beholden to the demands of the  federal government that to the wishes of his own constituents.

 That appearance is inevitable,and it counsels in favor of dismissal with prejudice.

Tuesday, April 1, 2025

A Billion at stake: Trump administration targets Harvard





The U.S. Department of Education - whcih Trump plans to shutter - will not close until it has strangled Harvard and other leading universities.
 

Citing anti-semitism  U.S. Department of Education threatens $ 9 billion in funding for Harvard March 31, 2025

Today, the Departments of Education (ED), Health and Human Services (HHS), and the U.S. General Services Administration (GSA) announced a comprehensive review of federal contracts and grants at Harvard University and its affiliates. This review is part of the ongoing efforts of the Joint Task Force to Combat Anti-Semitism

 

The Task Force will review the more than $255.6 million in contracts between Harvard University, its affiliates and the Federal Government. The review also includes the more than $8.7 billion in multi-year grant commitments to Harvard University and its affiliates to ensure the university is in compliance with federal regulations, including its civil rights responsibilities. 

“Harvard has served as a symbol of the American Dream for generations – the pinnacle aspiration for students all over the world to work hard and earn admission to the storied institution,” said Secretary of Education Linda McMahon. “Harvard’s failure to protect students on campus from anti-Semitic discrimination - all while promoting divisive ideologies over free inquiry - has put its reputation in serious jeopardy. Harvard can right these wrongs and restore itself to a campus dedicated to academic excellence and truth-seeking, where all students feel safe on its campus.” 

Trump Cannot Win his War on History - David Blight

On Thursday President Trump issued an executive order, “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History.”
In Mr. Trump’s customary bluster, the order bursts with accusations against unnamed persons who are presumably my fellow historians and museum curators for our “concerted and widespread effort to rewrite our nation’s history.”

The order’s repeated invocation of the Smithsonian Institution echoes now-familiar right-wing goals outlined in Project 2025 and elsewhere: ending the alleged “woke” agendas on race and gender, creating “parents’ rights” and school choices and promoting history aligned with founders’ “values.” [See National Museum of African American History]

According to the president, “objective facts” have been replaced with a “distorted narrative driven by ideology.” And then comes that penetrating epithet, the order’s organizing logic: the desire to end the “revisionist movement” carried out by unnamed historians.

The order is nothing less than a declaration of political war on the historians’ profession, our training and integrity, as well as on the freedom — in the form of curious minds — of anyone who seeks to understand our country by visiting museums or historic sites.

  

Anti-abortion Alabama AG barred from threat to prosecute out of state aid



 Yellowhammer Fund v. Alabama Attorney General Marshall

Case 2:23-cv-00450-MHT-KFP Middle District, Alabama

Myron H. Thompson, D.J. 

Previously, this court wrote in denying a motion to dismiss: “At its core, this case is simply about whether a State may prevent people within its borders from going to another State, and from assisting others in going to another State, to engage in lawful conduct there.” Yellowhammer Fund v. Att’y Gen. of Ala. Steve Marshall, 733 F. Supp. 3d 1167, 1174 (M.D. Ala. 2024) (Thompson, J.). The court now answers no, a State cannot. 

Monday, March 31, 2025

Court stays DHS Order re Venezuelans in Temporary Protected Status

 



U.S. District Judge Chen Stays DHS Secretary Kristi Noem's Order to deport Immigrants to Venezuela. March 31, 2025

 At issue is whether this Court should temporarily postpone actions by Kristi Noem, Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, taken against over 600,000 Venezuelan nationals who have legal status to reside and work temporarily in the United States. The Secretary’s actions will shortly strip nearly 350,000 of these residents of their protection under the Temporary Protected Status (“TPS”) program, subjecting them to possible imminent deportation back to Venezuela, a country so rife with economic and political upheaval and danger that the State Department has categorized Venezuela as a “Level 4: Do Not Travel” country “due to the high risk of wrongful detentions, terrorism, kidnapping, the arbitrary enforcement of local laws, crime, civil unrest, poor health infrastructure.” https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/venezuela-traveladvisory.html (last visited 3/30/2025).

Although the Secretary’s actions appear predicated on negative stereotypes casting class-wide aspersions on their character (insinuating they were released from Venezuelan prisons and mental health facilities and imposed huge financial burdens on local communities), the undisputed record establishes that Venezuelan TPS beneficiaries, in fact, have higher education attainment than most U.S. citizens (40-54% have bachelor degrees), have high labor participation rates (80-96%), earn nearly all their personal income (96%), and annually contribute billions of dollars to the U.S. economy and pay hundreds of millions, if not billions, in social security taxes. They also have lower rates of criminality than the general U.S. population.

The Court finds that the Secretary’s action threatens to: inflict irreparable harm on hundreds of thousands of persons whose lives, families, and livelihoods will be severely disrupted, cost the United States billions in economic activity, and injure public health and safety in communities throughout the United States. At the same time, the government has failed to identify any real countervailing harm in continuing TPS for Venezuelan beneficiaries. Plaintiffs have also shown they will likely succeed in demonstrating that the actions taken by the Secretary are unauthorized by law, arbitrary and capricious, and motivated by unconstitutional animus. 

For these reasons, the Court grants Plaintiffs’ request to postpone the challenged actions pending final adjudication of the merits of this case.

EEOC challenges many law firms on "DEI"

 The ironies are too many to state.  But her is one: the EEOC's demand for Perkins Coie, a letter

of the sort addressed to about twenty law firms.

https://www.eeoc.gov/sites/default/files/2025-03/Law_Firm_Letters_-_03.17.2025.pdf

Harvard law faculty divided: Adrian Vermeule dissents in tendentious open letter to students



There has never been  a time when U.S. universities were in an adversarial relationship with our government on a par with this one.  Even the Smithsonian - custodian of our national museums has been lambasted as anti-American in a Presidential Fact SheetIn a move designed for Saturday Night Live  the former leader of World Wrestling Entertainment, is now Education Secretary.  Secretary Linda McMahon has announced that a "Joint Task Force on Anti-semitism" is reviewing $9 billion in federal grants to Harvard UniversityThat move follows Columbia University's ongoing negotiations to restore hundreds of millions in canceled funds.  And it succeeds the capitulation of two leading law firms Paul Weiss and Skadden Arps.  Two firms - Jenner & Block  and Wilmer Hale have filed suit to block the retaliatory Executive Order. Andrew Weissman, a former Jenner partner, was a lead prosecutor in the investigation of Donald Trump led by former Wilmer partner Robert S. Mueller.

Today 1,900 members of the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine signed an open letter warning of the danger of the Trump administration's attacks on science.  For exxample in the last month $450 million in federal funds for HIV research have been cut.

Today the majority of the Harvard Law School faculty in an open letter declared: 

As the Model Rules of Professional Conduct provide: “A

lawyer is ... an officer of the legal system and a public citizen having special responsibility for

the quality of justice.”

The rule of law is imperiled when government leaders:

• single out lawyers and law firms for retribution based on their lawful and ethical

representation of clients disfavored by the government, undermining the Sixth

Amendment;

• threaten law firms and legal clinics for their lawyers’ pro bono work or prior

government service;

• relent on those arbitrary threats based on public acts of submission and outlays of funds

for favored causes; and

• punish people for lawfully speaking out on matters of public concern.

While reasonable people can disagree about the characterization of particular incidents, we are

all acutely concerned that severe challenges to the rule of law are taking place, and we strongly

condemn any effort to undermine the basic norms we have described.

But a prominent dissenting voice is that of Adrian Vermeule.  A conservative convert to Catholicism he has nonetheless defended the Catholic social gospel and co-authored with Cass Sunstein a defense of the administrative state Law and Leviathan, Redeeming the Administrative State. And at a conference at the conservative Franciscan University in Steubenville, Ohio Vermeule declared "there is no  dismantling the administrative state".

Despite his departure in that respect from  conservative confreres Vermeule dissents angrily from the bulk of his Harvard colleagues about current threats to the rule of law.  Although Vermeule asserts he is writing more in sorrow than anger he proves to be very angry, finding hypocrisy in those who are to his left, writing:

Where were the letter’s signatories when federal prosecutors took the unprecedented step of bringing dozens of criminal charges against a former president, who also happened to be the leading electoral opponent of the then-incumbent president? Where were the signatories when Jeff Clark, Rudy Giuliani, John Eastman, and other lawyers were disbarred or threatened with disbarment, and indeed prosecuted, for their representation of President Trump? Was this not a threat to the rule of law? Where were the signatories when radical activists menaced Supreme Court Justices in their homes, or when a mob hammered on the doors of the Supreme Court itself? 

Rudy Giuliani and John Eastman were indeed disbarred - but it was not "for their representation of Presdient Trump".  The case against Giuliani is indeed substantial; as is that against Clark for dishonest conduct in an attempt to overturn Georgia election results; as is the case against John Eastman who was found ineligible to practice law after a five month trial before the California Bar Court.

EEOC Acting Chair Andrea Lucas Sends Letters to 20 Law Firms Requesting Information About DEI-Related Employment Practices

 Abandoning efforts to overcome our long history of racial discrimination that impoverished minorities.

The tone was set by the Chief Justice in Parents Involved vs. Seattle Community Schools when John Roberts remarked that the way to stop discrimination by race is to stop discriminating by race.
What the Justice - and today's EEOC - are blind to is that race blindness ratifies the status quo.  It forbids any measures to make up for any historic disparities - unless they are the direct fesult of explicitly racially discriminatory practices such as are exemplified not simply by the notorious "Jim Crow" laws, but largely thorugh such long-tolerated or mandated practices as racially discriminatory covenants in deeds, or rqacial "redlining" , as recounted by Richard Rothstein in his history The Color of Law.  And dramatically in Arc of Justice Northwestern historian Kevin Boyle's prise-winning history of the birth of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. - GWC

EEOC Acting Chair Andrea Lucas Sends Letters to 20 Law Firms Requesting Information About DEI-Related Employment Practices:  

Re: Review of Perkins Coie LLP’s Compliance with Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 

Dear Mr. Butswinkas: Based on public statements and court filings1 by Perkins Coie LLP (“Perkins Coie”), I am seeking information about the firm’s employment practices. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as amended, 42 U.S.C. § 2000e, et seq. (Title VII) prohibits an employer from discriminating against an individual because of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.2 
 Under Title VII, an employer initiative, policy, program, or practice may be unlawful if it involves an employer, or other covered entity, taking an employment action motivated—in whole or in part—by race, sex, or another protected characteristic.3 
Title VII also bars employers from limiting, segregating, or classifying employees based on race, sex, or other protected characteristics in a way that affects their status or deprives them of employment opportunities, including in voluntary employee groups and activities which are employer sponsored.4 It is the responsibility of the EEOC to enforce the provisions of Title VII with respect to private employers. 
Perkins Coie publicly has touted its hiring practices, including its diversity fellowships, which have historically been limited to “students of color,”5 as “help[ing] create and foster one of   the strongest and most diverse talent pipelines in the legal profession”6 and “designed to increase the representation of racially diverse lawyers at the firm.”7 Merely five months ago, Perkins Coie announced it had “achieved Mansfield 7.0 Certification Plus status for another year from Diversity Lab, which measures how leading law firms have affirmatively considered women, lawyers of color, [and] LGBTQ+ lawyers . . . for recruitment, partnership promotions, and management positions, among other significant benchmarks.”8 In addition, in 2020, Microsoft’s Law Firm Diversity Program recognized Perkins Coie as its “top performing law firm” when it came to meeting Microsoft’s diversity goals, demonstrating a five year plan that “achieved impressive progress . . . growing diverse attorney hours on Microsoft matters by 12.3 percentage points (from 56.7% to 69%);” a 10.3 point increase in overall diverse partner representation at the firm (from 33.6% to 43.9%);” and “great progress in diverse representation on its management committee, with over 64% of their committee members identifying as women, minorities, LGBTQ+ people, people with disabilities and veterans.”9 In fact, since at least 2012, Perkins Coie has been a leader in a third-party diversity scorecard that scores law firms based on their “percentile ranking of the representation of underrepresented racial and ethnic groups, gender and LBGTQ+ per level and the overall disclosure of DEI data versus firms of a similar size.”10
***
...the strongest and most diverse talent pipelines in the legal profession”6 and “designed to increase the representation of racially diverse lawyers at the firm.”7 Merely five months ago, Perkins Coie announced it had “achieved Mansfield 7.0 Certification Plus status for another year from Diversity Lab, which measures how leading law firms have affirmatively considered women, lawyers of color, [and] LGBTQ+ lawyers . . . for recruitment, partnership promotions, and management positions, among other significant benchmarks.”8 In addition, in 2020, Microsoft’s Law Firm Diversity Program recognized Perkins Coie as its “top performing law firm” when it came to meeting Microsoft’s diversity goals, demonstrating a five year plan that “achieved impressive progress . . . growing diverse attorney hours on Microsoft matters by 12.3 percentage points (from 56.7% to 69%);” a 10.3 point increase in overall diverse partner representation at the firm (from 33.6% to 43.9%);” and “great progress in diverse representation on its management committee, with over 64% of their committee members identifying as women, minorities, LGBTQ+ people, people with disabilities and veterans.”9 
In fact, since at least 2012, Perkins Coie has been a leader in a third-party diversity scorecard that scores law firms based on their “percentile ranking of the representation of underrepresented racial and ethnic groups, gender and LBGTQ+ per level and the overall disclosure of DEI data versus firms of a similar size.”10  in part—on race, sex, or other protected characteristics, in violation of Title VII. 
I believe you can be of assistance in helping to identify all relevant information I might consider. As an initial request, please provide responses to the questions outlined below. Please also preserve all relevant records. Internships, Fellowships, and Scholarships In public statements and court filings, Perkins Coie has acknowledged that it has had a 1L Diversity Fellowship Program since 1991 and a similar 2L Diversity Fellowship Program since 2021. Perkins Coie also admitted in court filings that, at least until 2023, those hiring programs had a “requirement that participants belong to a group historically underrepresented in the legal profession” and appears to concede that those programs previously limited participation by race and “asked or required [applicants] to identify their race when applying.”14 
Perkins Coie also has asserted in court filings that it changed the criteria for its diversity fellowship programs in 2023.15 1. Please describe the application and selection criteria used by Perkins Coie for its 1L Diversity Fellowship Program from: (a) 2015 to 2023; and (b) from 2023 to the present.

Thursday, March 27, 2025

State AGs, Bars Urge Attys To Speak Up Over Trump Orders - LAW 360

 State AGs, Bars Urge Attys To Speak Up Over Trump Orders

 By Rachel Rippetoe · 

The letters come after Trump issued executive orders related to four law firms — Paul Weiss Rifkind Wharton & Garrison LLPPerkins Coie LLPCovington & Burling LLP and, the latest targetJenner & Block LLP — suspending security clearances for employees and taking other actions.

In justifying the orders, Trump has cited the firms' connections to individuals involved in past investigations of him, what he called "partisan" litigation work, and their diversity, equity and inclusion efforts.

"We cannot allow the president to scare law firms and lawyers into silence," said the letter, signed by 21 state attorneys general. "Law firms must refuse to bow to illegal and unconstitutional threats of retribution for having the temerity to represent clients and cases opposing the administration. To refuse to accept such clients would be to allow the executive to ignore legal constraints and limitations."

Paul Weiss came under fire last week for its decision to strike a deal with the Trump administration in which the firm agreed to not pursue certain diversity, equity and inclusion hiring practices and to provide $40 million worth of pro bono services to support administration initiatives.

Paul Weiss Chairman Brad Karp said in a Sunday memo explaining the decision that the executive order "could easily have destroyed our firm," and pointed to what he said was a lack of public support from peers in the legal community.

"It brought the full weight of the government down on our firm, our people, and our clients," the memo said. "... Disappointingly, far from support, we learned that certain other firms were seeking to exploit our vulnerabilities by aggressively soliciting our clients and recruiting our attorneys."

State attorneys general from New York, Arizona, Michigan and more said that lawyers have a responsibility to push back on the president's attempt to "bully law firms out of representing clients who may be politically disfavored, or clients out of being represented by counsel of their choosing." They added that the orders would have a "chilling effect" on law firms' pro bono efforts in areas like immigration.

"Any doubt that these tactics will have their intended effect if the legal community does not speak to condemn these inappropriate attacks on law firm independence should be dispelled by Paul Weiss's acquiescence to them," the letter said.

In a statement to Law360 on Wednesday evening, White House spokesperson Harrison Fields defended Trump's actions.

"President Trump is making BigLaw great again!" he said. "Instead of using their power and influence to make our country dangerous and less free, BigLaw is working to use its access to the federal government for good. This is only possible because of the swift leadership of President Trump to hold BigLaw accountable."

Also on Wednesday, the American Bar Association released a statement co-signed by more than 50 state and local bar associations around the country similarly decrying the president's actions against the law firms and recent call to impeach a judge over an unfavorable ruling.

Trump, earlier this month, called for impeaching a D.C. federal judge who blocked the deportation of a group of Venezuelans. In response, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts issued a rare statement saying, "impeachment is not an appropriate response to disagreement concerning a judicial decision."

In its letter, the ABA urged lawyers to "speak out against intimidation."

"We reject the notion that the U.S. government can punish lawyers and law firms who represent certain clients or punish judges who rule certain ways," the letter said. "If lawyers do not speak, who will speak for our judges? Who will protect our bedrock of justice? If we do not speak now, when will we speak? Now is the time. That is why we stand together with the ABA in support of the rule of law."

The letter by the attorneys general also highlighted Trump's March 6 order directing the U.S. attorney general to conduct an inquiry into all national law firms' diversity, equity and inclusion policies, and a memo released on Friday asking that the U.S. Department of Justice to seek sanctions against lawyers and firms who lodge "frivolous, unreasonable, and vexatious" lawsuits against the federal government, particularly in immigration, national security, public safety and election integrity.

Deans of 78 law schools, including UCLA School of LawCornell University Law School and Georgetown University Law Center, also released a letter Wednesday condemning the sanctions imposed on law firms.

"We write to reaffirm basic principles: The government should not punish lawyers and law firms for the clients they represent, absent specific findings that such representation was illegal or unethical," the letter said. "We thus speak as legal educators, responsible for training the next generation of lawyers, in condemning any government efforts to punish lawyers or their firms based on the identity of their clients or for their zealous lawful and ethical advocacy."

--Editing by Nicole Bleier.

 

Eight Legal Experts on Trump’s Assault on Higher Education

Jonathan Feingold, Veena Dubal, Samuel Bagenstos, Alexander Chen, Dallas Estes, Sarah Sherman-Stokes, Jeremiah Chin, Sameer Ashar

Jonathan Feingold and Veena Dubal

Since Inauguration Day, the Trump administration has waged open warfare on higher education. The speed, scope, and volume of executive orders and agency actions have been overwhelming. If the goal was to create chaos and “flood the zone,” the president has delivered.

The entries that follow—which cover the administration’s assault on federal grant funding; on trans students; on non-citizen students; on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts, and on pro-Palestinian activism—aim to break down and clarify the legal implications of these various executive actions for higher education institutions. The authors explain what the executive orders purport to require, analyze what they actually require, and assess how colleges and universities ought to respond. As these experts ably demonstrate, the legal details matter, and, as with many Trump-world policies, little if any care has been paid to these details.

Yet to understand these disparate actions, we must understand that they are united by a more fundamental aim. Donald Trump is coming for America’s universities and higher education workers for the same reason that Mussolini demanded loyalty oaths in 1931 and Viktor Orbán launched a “vicious smear campaign” against Hungary’s premier university in 2019: Our commitment to open inquiry over propaganda, to persuasion over coercion, to democracy over dictatorship provides a check on authoritarian rule. As Johns Hopkins President Ronald Daniels presciently observed following the Taliban’s attack on the American University in Kabul in 2021, “Independent universities unnerve authoritarians because everything that these institutions strive to achieve is inimical to the autocrat’s devotion to the accumulation and arbitrary exercise of coercive public power.” The Trump administration is not hiding its agenda. In an interview published in The New York Times in early March, for instance, Trump ally and right-wing activist Christopher Rufo situated these attacks within a broader campaign to make universities feel “existential terror.”

Executive Order - Addressing Risks from Jenner & Block



Andrew Weissman - The Rule of Law is Under Attack 3/21-3/27/2025 

BIO

Executive Order - Addressing Risks from Jenner & Block


By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, it is hereby ordered:

***

Jenner & Block LLP (Jenner) is yet another law firm that has abandoned the profession’s highest ideals, condoned partisan “lawfare,” and abused its pro bono practice to engage in activities that undermine justice and the interests of the United States.  For example, Jenner engages in obvious partisan representations to achieve political ends, supports attacks against women and children based on a refusal to accept the biological reality of sex, and backs the obstruction of efforts to prevent illegal aliens from committing horrific crimes and trafficking deadly drugs within our borders.  Moreover, Jenner discriminates against its employees based on race and other categories prohibited by civil rights laws, including through the use of race-based “targets.”


In addition, Jenner was “thrilled” to re-hire the unethical Andrew Weissmann after his time engaging in partisan prosecution as part of Robert Mueller’s entirely unjustified investigation.  Andrew Weissmann’s career has been rooted in weaponized government and abuse of power, including devastating tens of thousands of American families who worked for the now defunct Arthur Andersen LLP, only to have his unlawfully aggressive prosecution overturned by the Supreme Court.  The numerous reports of Weissmann’s dishonesty, including pursuit of nonexistent crimes, bribery to foreign nationals, and overt demand that the Federal Government pursue a political agenda against me, is a concerning indictment of Jenner’s values and priorities. 


Sec. 2.  Security Clearance Review.  (a)  The Attorney General, the Director of National Intelligence, and all other relevant heads of executive departments and agencies (agencies) shall immediately take steps consistent with applicable law to suspend any active security clearances held by individuals at Jenner pending a review of whether such clearances are consistent with the national interest.

\

Judge Beryl Howell blasts DOJ for "ad hominem attacks" on her

"Though this adage is commonplace, and the tactic overused, it is called to mind by defendants’ pending motion to disqualify this Court: “When you can’t attack the message, attack the messenger.” Defendants filed this motion less than two weeks after this Court issued a temporary restraining order barring defendants from enforcing against plaintiff Perkins Coie LLP three of the five sections of Executive Order 14230 (“EO 14230”), issued by President Donald J. Trump on March 6, 2025, 90 Fed. Reg. 11781 (Mar. 11, 2025), targeting the law firm with punitive measures due to the law firm’s representation of clients whom the President dislikes or who sought relief through litigation that the President opposes.

When the U.S. Department of Justice engages in this rhetorical strategy of ad hominem attack, the stakes become much larger than only the reputation of the targeted federal judge. This strategy is designed to impugn the integrity of the federal judicial system and blame any loss on the decision-maker rather than fallacies in the substantive legal arguments presented."

Memorandum opinon:  Judge Howell denies DOJ motion to disqualify 

A federal judge in Washington on Wednesday rejected the Justice Department’s move to disqualify her from a suit over President Donald Trump’s executive order against law firm Perkins Coie.

Judge Beryl Howell slammed DOJ for making “ad hominem attacks” against her in a effort to boot her from the case. Howell on March 12 temporarily blocked the Trump administration from enforcing the order, which threatened government contracts for Perkins Coie clients and banned firm employees from accessing federal buildings, citing the firm’s work for Democratic opponents in previous elections.

“This strategy is designed to impugn the integrity of the federal judicial system and blame any loss on the decision-maker rather than fallacies in the substantive legal arguments presented,” Howell said.

DOJ lawyers argued Howell is biased against the administration, pointing to comments at a 2023 event in which she suggested Trump is an authoritarian. They also took aim at Howell’s “condescending” assertion in a hearing earlier this month that Trump has a “bee in his bonnet” about Fusion GPS, a Washington intelligence firm retained by a former Perkins Coie partner to conduct opposition research on Trump for his client, the 2016 Hillary Clinton campaign.

“This court has repeatedly demonstrated partiality against and animus towards the president,” Chad Mizelle, acting associate attorney general, and Richard Lawson, a deputy US associate attorney general, said in a March 21 motion to disqualify Howell.

Perkins Coie is the among four major law firms that have been targeted directly by Trump over ties to his perceived enemies. The president on Tuesday issued a new order against Jenner & Block, directing agencies to restrict firm employees from accessing US buildings, strip lawyers’ security clearances, and investigate diversity hiring practices. He also instructed agencies to terminate government contracts with Jenner clients.

Wednesday, March 26, 2025

A Statement from Constitutional Law Scholars on Columbia

The recent cancellation of $400 million in federal research funding at Columbia University - assertedly to sanction the school for inadequate resposne to asserted anti-semitic speech and conduyct has drawn criticism from a group of prominent constituional law profesors - prominent civil libertatians and prominent conservatives.  It has appeared in the New York Review of Books Online.
- GWC
A Statement from Constitutional Law Scholars on Columbia



We write as constitutional scholars—some liberal and some conservative—who seek to defend academic freedom and the First Amendment in the wake of the federal government’s recent treatment of Columbia University.

The First Amendment protects speech many of us find wrongheaded or deeply offensive, including anti-Israel advocacy and even antisemitic advocacy. The government may not threaten funding cuts as a tool to pressure recipients into suppressing such viewpoints. This is especially so for universities, which should be committed to respecting free speech.

At the same time, the First Amendment of course doesn’t protect antisemitic violence, true threats of violence, or certain kinds of speech that may properly be labeled “harassment.” Title VI rightly requires universities to protect their students and other community members from such behavior. But the lines between legally unprotected harassment on the one hand and protected speech on the other are notoriously difficult to draw and are often fact-specific. In part because of that, any sanctions imposed on universities for Title VI violations must follow that statute’s well-established procedural rules, which help make clear what speech is sanctionable and what speech is constitutionally protected.

Yet the administration’s March 7 cancellation of $400 million in federal funding to Columbia University did not adhere to such procedural safeguards. Neither did its March 13 ultimatum stipulating that Columbia make numerous changes to its academic policies—including the demand that, within one week, it “provide a full plan” to place an entire “department under academic receivership for a minimum of five years”—as “a precondition for formal negotiations regarding Columbia University’s continued financial relationship with the United States government.”

Under Title VI, the government may not cut off funds until it hasconducted a program-by-program evaluation of the alleged violations;
provided recipients with notice and “an opportunity for hearing”;
limited any funding cutoff “to the particular program, or part thereof, in which…noncompliance has been…found”; and
submitted a report explaining its actions to the relevant committees in Congress at least thirty days before any funds can be stopped.

These requirements aim to ensure that any withdrawal of funds is based on genuine misbehavior on the university’s part—on illegal toleration of discriminatory conduct, not just on allowance of First Amendment–protected expression. The requirements aim to make clear to recipients of federal funds just what behavior can form the basis for sanctions. And each of the requirements aims to make sure that the sanction fits the offense.

Yet here the sanction was imposed without any agency or court finding that Columbia violated Title VI in its response to antisemitic harassment or discrimination. Even to the extent that some protesters’ behavior amounted to illegal harassment of Jewish students, no agency and no court has concluded that Columbia illegally failed to reasonably respond to such discriminatory behavior—much less failed to act at a level justifying withdrawal of nearly half a billion dollars in funds. The government’s action therefore risks deterring and suppressing constitutionally protected speech—not just illegal discriminatory conduct.

And this danger extends beyond universities. The safeguards and limits that the administration has ignored are designed to protect all recipients of federal funding from unwarranted or excessive sanctions. They protect recipients of federal funding across the ideological spectrum, including K-12 schools, hospitals, nursing homes, and business and agricultural initiatives. The administration’s failure to honor the Title VI safeguards creates a dangerous precedent for every recipient of federal financial assistance.

Steven G. Calabresi
Clayton J. and Henry R. Barber Professor of Law, Northwestern Law School

Erwin Chemerinsky
Dean and Jesse H. Choper Distinguished Professor of Law, Berkeley Law School

David Cole
Hon. George J. Mitchell Professor in Law and Public Policy, Georgetown University Law Center

Michael C. Dorf
Robert S. Stevens Professor of Law, Cornell Law School

Richard Epstein
Laurence A. Tisch Professor of Law, NYU School of Law

Owen Fiss
Sterling Professor Emeritus of Law, Yale Law School

Aziz Huq
Frank and Bernice J. Greenberg Professor of Law, University of Chicago Law School

Pamela Karlan
Kenneth and Harle Montgomery Professor of Public Interest Law, Stanford Law School

Randall Kennedy
Michael R. Klein Professor of Law, Harvard Law School

Genevieve Lakier
Professor of Law, Herbert and Marjorie Fried Teaching Scholar, University of Chicago Law School

Michael McConnell
Richard and Frances Mallery Professor of Law, Stanford Law School

Michael Paulsen
Distinguished University Chair and Professor, St. Thomas Law School

Robert Post
Sterling Professor of Law, Yale Law School

David Rabban
Dahr Jamail, Randall Hage Jamail, and Robert Lee Jamail Regents Chair in Law, University of Texas Law School

Geoffrey R. Stone
Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor of Law, University of Chicago Law School

Nadine Strossen
John Marshall Harlan II Professor of Law Emerita, New York Law School

Eugene Volokh
Thomas M. Siebel Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University

Keith Whittington
David Boies Professor of Law, Yale Law School


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Eugene Volokh

Eugene Volokh is the Thomas M. Siebel Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.

Michael C. Dorf

Michael C. Dorf is the Robert S. Stevens Professor of Law at Cornell Law School. His books include Beating Hearts: Abortion and Animal Rights, coauthored with Sherry Colb, and The Oxford Introductions to US Law: Constitutional Law, coauthored with Trevor Morrison. (December 2022)

David Cole

David Cole is the Honorable George J. Mitchell Professor in Law and Public Policy at the Georgetown University Law Center and the former National Legal Director of the ACLU. (March 2025)

15 other scholars