Friday, August 30, 2024

The Levels-of-Generality Game: "History and Tradition" in the Roberts Court by Reva Siegel :: SSRN

The Levels-of-Generality Game: "History and Tradition" in the Roberts Court by Reva Siegel :: SSRN

37 Pages Posted: 26 Apr 2024

Reva Siegel

Yale University - Law School

Date Written: August 29, 2024

Abstract

Scholars have not agreed upon a method of interpretation that explains the Court’s reasoning in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization or New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen. As this Article shows, what explains the history-and-tradition decisions of the Roberts Court is not a method of interpretation, but instead a justification for the Court’s turn to the past. The conservative Justices claim that interpreting the Constitution through history and tradition—when described in granular factual detail—best constrains judicial discretion by tethering law to objective criteria separate from the interpreter’s policy preferences. Justice Scalia long ago advanced this claim, and began a decades-long debate over “levels of generality” when he urged judges “to adopt the most specific tradition as the point of reference.”

The Article contrasts this belief—that tying constitutional interpretation to history can constrain the expression of judicial values—with an alternative account. An interpreter’s appeal to facts about the nation’s past in constitutional argument often expresses values—forms of argument I have called “constitutional memory” claims. What appear in constitutional argument as positive, descriptive claims about the past are often normative claims about the Constitution’s meaning. In this Article, I show how my account of constitutional memory identifies the expressive role of conservative historicism, counters the judicial-constraint justification, and offers new perspectives on the levels-of-generality claims associated with it.

The Article opens by examining puzzles of method and justification presented by Dobbs and Bruen during the 2021 Term. It concludes with a late-added section that samples the Justices debating the Article’s judicial-constraint and levels-of-generality themes in cases of the 2023 Term—in particular, in the Second Amendment case of United States v. Rahimi. The Article’s account of DobbsBruen, and Rahimi demonstrates that we are all living constitutionalists now—but, crucially, not all living constitutionalism is the same. A conclusion identifies reasons why the Justices who present appeal to the past as claims of judicial constraint may engage in anti-democratic forms of living constitutionalism.

Keywords: history and tradition, originalism, levels of generality, constitutional memory, Dobbs, Bruen, Rahimi, selectivity, constitutional pluralism, living constitutionalism, principle, Vidal v. Elster, Department of State v. Muñoz, anti-democratic

Siegel, Reva B., The Levels-of-Generality Game: "History and Tradition" in the Roberts Court (August 29, 2024). Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy, Vol. 47, 2024, Yale Law School, Public Law Research Paper, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4808688

Thursday, August 29, 2024

Reviewed: Loper Bright in Action  - Yale Journal on Regulation

D.C. Circuit Review – Reviewed: Loper Bright in Action  - Yale Journal on Regulation

The D.C. Circuit issued two decisions last week. Both offer early examples of what administrative deference and respect looks like now that courts no longer defer to agency interpretations of statutes under Chevron.

In Pacific Gas & Electric Company v. FERC, the Court once again considered PG&E’s obligations to distribute (“wheel”) its competitor’s energy to its competitor’s customers. The Federal Power Act generally prohibits FERC from requiring utilities to transmit electricity directly to another utility’s “ultimate consumer,” but it grandfathers in consumers to whom the utility “was providing electric service . . . on October 24, 1992.” FERC interpreted the provision to grandfather in not only to actual consumers to whom the utility delivered energy in 1992, but also to other consumers in the same class as those existing customers. FERC’s interpretation requires PG&E to distribute energy more broadly than PG&E believes the statute permits.

Monday, August 26, 2024

Vance, with GOP Senators and Congress members demand bar on mailing abortion pills



Senator J.D. Vance's nomination as GOP candidate for Vice President gives new saliency to the conservative cry to employ the Comstock Act to bar the mailing of abortion drugs.  If the issue is competently presented  the Dobbs majority is likely to be receptive.  The Department of Justice opposes that demand.Three dozen Republican Senators and Members of Congress last year signed a letter demanding Attorney General Merrick Garland prosecute anyone who is a participant in the distribution by mail of mifepristone - the key drug in medication abortions.  Prominent among them is Vance whose conversion to a conservative Catholicism he attributes in significant part to conservative Peter Thiel, a co-founder of PayPal.

The GOP lawmakers 2023  letter to the Attorney General concluded with a renunciation of the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel which opined that the drug mifestiprone can be legally used in many states and therefore is not unlawfully placed in the mails.  The Republican Senators and M.C.'s concluded:

The OLC memo only serves to further the deeply troubling proliferation of illegal mail-order abortion drug trafficking operations that operate both openly and covertly and endanger the lives of pregnant moms and their preborn babies. The reckless distribution of abortion drugs by mail or other carriers to pregnant mothers who have not been examined in-person by a physician is not only dangerous and unsafe, it is criminal. We demand that you act swiftly and in accordance with the law, shut down all mail-order abortion operations, and hold abortionists, pharmacists, international traffickers, and online purveyors, who break the Federal mail-order abortion laws, accountable. We also demand that, in light of these laws, you cease efforts to prevent States from regulating or prohibiting abortion drugs. Instead, we expect that you put the law and your obligation to enforce it above the abortion industry’s dangerous and deadly political agenda. 

We look forward to your reply and demand that you promptly rescind the OLC memo.

Project 2025 – Reproductive Rights? - Talking Points Lawyers Defending Democracy - LDAD

Project 2025 – Talking Points to Protect our Democratic Institutions – LDAD
Foreword (Page 6)

“[C]onservatives should gratefully celebrate the greatest pro-family win in a generation: overturning Roe v. Wade, a decision that for five decades made a mockery of our Constitution and facilitated the deaths of tens of millions of unborn children. But the Dobbs decision is just the beginning. Conservatives in the states and in Washington, including in the next conservative Administration, should push as hard as possible to protect the unborn in every jurisdiction in America. In particular, the next conservative President should work with Congress to enact the most robust protections for the unborn that Congress will support while deploying existing federal powers to protect innocent life and vigorously complying with statutory bans on the federal funding of abortion. Conservatives should ardently pursue these pro-life and pro-family policies while recognizing the many women who find themselves in immensely difficult and often tragic situations and the heroism of every choice to become a mother. Alternative options to abortion, especially adoption, should receive federal and state support.”

Why it Matters: Talking Points

This proposal is designed, in the words of the authors, to “[r]estore the family as the centerpiece of American life and protect our children.”  The proposal builds on and celebrates Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s recent decision that, after fifty years, overturned Roe v. Wade, a decision recognizing a woman’s constitutional right to control her own body and to make her own decision about whether to have a family. Project 2025’s proposal for a universal ban on abortion would not only take the family-planning decision away from women and places it in the hands of the state, but would similarly control other reproductive health decisions. A more extraordinary assault on individual freedom is difficult to imagine.   

Comstock Act (Page 459)

“Stop promoting or approving mail-order abortions in violation of long-standing federal laws that prohibit the mailing and interstate carriage of abortion drugs.”

Why it Matters: Talking Points

This is a reference to the Comstock Act, a moribund federal law passed in 1873 and named for Anthony Comstock, an anti-vice crusader who advocated for female chastity and against pornography, birth control and abortion.

As part of his assault on fundamental freedoms, Comstock’s law purports to prohibit mailing anything that could be used in an abortion – even ordinary surgical supplies such as gloves and sutures. For more than 100 years, however, the courts and the Justice Department have consistently ruled that the law does not apply to mailing items for a lawful purpose.

Project 2025 would reverse this understanding and prosecute people if they mailed FDA-approved abortion medicines, even to states where abortion is legal. This would effectively institute a national abortion ban, depriving women of their rights under state law. It also raises the specter of a President resurrecting and reinterpreting other laws to destroy freedoms.

Monday, August 19, 2024

Trump v. United States (07/01/2024)


23-939 Trump v. United States (07/01/2024)
Sotomayor, J., dissenting
In sum, the majority today endorses an expansive vision of Presidential immunity that was never recognized by the Founders, any sitting President, the Executive Branch, or even President Trump’s lawyers, until now. Settled understandings of the Constitution are of little use to the majority in this case, and so it ignores them.  

The Supreme Court's Power Grab:
David Cole - Litigation Director, ACLU:
In previous terms, the Roberts Court has vacillated between naked assertions of power, as when it overturned the right to abortion in 2022, and more restrained rulings that rose above partisan divides, as when it last year affirmed that state courts and state constitutions can constrain state legislatures in redistricting. This term, restraint was largely out, as the Republican justices repeatedly upended or refused to follow precedents in order to further conservative ends on voting rights, presidential power, the treatment of the homeless, immigration, and, most consequentially, the authority of the administrative state.

Thursday, August 8, 2024

Justice Gorsuch's Critique of the Administrative State Eric Berger - Dorf on Law

Justice Gorsuch's Critique of the Administrative State

The New York Times on Sunday published David French's extended interview with Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch about Gorsuch's new book (co-authored with Janie Nitze, his former law clerk), Overruled: The Human Toll of Too Much Law.  (Full disclosure: I haven't read the book, which comes out this week.)  Justice Gorsuch comes across in the interview as an interesting, idiosyncratic, and humane judge who marches to the beat of his own drum.  His primary preoccupation is the fate of the little guy: indigenous peoples, criminal defendants, and especially small business owners caught in a complex web of burdensome regulations. 

Justice Gorsuch devotes much of the interview (and presumably the book) to explaining his aversion to administrative regulation.  This is obviously a timely topic in light of the Court's recent decisions weakening administrative agencies in various ways.  Though these decisions do not dismantle the administrative state, collectively they constrain agency authority and empower courts to second guess agency decisions.  Loper Bright v. Raimondo overrules Chevron deference.  The major questions doctrine denies agencies the power to tackle "major" problems unless Congress has specifically delegated such authority.  SEC v. Jarkesy limits agencies' ability to conduct internal enforcement proceedings against entities that have allegedly violated agency rules.  Corner Post v. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System holds that the statute of limitations for challenging agency action is not tolled until the specific plaintiff has been injured.  Ohio v. EPA seemingly expands courts' ability to hold agency action arbitrary or capricious.  And so on.  

Justice Gorsuch joined all these decisions.  He wrote the majority opinion in Ohio v. EPA and penned enthusiastic concurrences in several of the other cases.  Clearly, he is an important driver of this anti-administrative project.

French's interview doesn't get into the doctrinal weeds of any of these cases, which involve a wide variety of legal issues.  Rather, Gorsuch uses the forum to explain more broadly his skepticism of administrative regulation.  Big businesses, he explains, can manage regulations just fine because they have the resources to hire lawyers and compliance teams.  Individuals and small businesses, by contrast, bear the real brunt of over-regulation.  Gorsuch offers a few stories of sympathetic people ruined by complicated, unreasonable regulatory regimes.  Though he doesn't exactly put it this way, he clearly sees the Court's recent anti-agency decisions as a way of vindicating the ordinary American against oppressive big government.  In essence, Gorsuch is saying, "Here's why I'm doing this."  

There's certainly something to Justice Gorsuch's concerns.  He's right that regulations are often complicated and sometimes overly burdensome.  Some impose terrific costs that far outweigh their benefits.  As he explains, those costs can damage individual's lives in profound ways.  And Gorsuch is probably also correct that progressive defenders of the administrative state don't spend enough time grappling with those real harms.  (I include myself among the guilty, though I do address a closely related problem here.)  

That said, while Justice Gorsuch's concerns for the little guy are laudable, they do not, in my mind, justify the Court's recent administrative law decisions.  Indeed, to the extent Gorsuch apparently believes his concerns justify those rulings, his reasoning is deeply flawed. 

Most fundamentally, assuming arguendo that Gorsuch is correct that too many regulations inflict serious harm on people, why should courts take it upon themselves to fix that problem?  Gorsuch's argument is that over-regulation is bad public policy, but the relative merits of governmental policy fall squarely within the expertise and constitutional prerogatives of the political branches.  Federal judges, by contrast, lack the training and legal authority to design regulatory policy.  Justice Gorsuch may provide good reasons to reconsider the wisdom of the administrative state, but his interview doesn't explain why judges should fix this problem.  (Perhaps Gorsuch takes these issues up in the book.)

Second, Gorsuch's core argument appears to be that regulation does more harm than good, but at least in the interview he examines only one side of this coin.  He is clearly correct that some regulations are costly and unjust, but he barely acknowledges regulations' importance in protecting society from environmental harms, financial market fraud, unsafe drugs, workplace hazards, and other dangers to human and societal well-being.  Justice Gorsuch seems to think that the Court's significant overhaul of administrative law is justified because administrative regulation cumulatively inflicts serious harm on ordinary Americans.  Informed policy analysis, however, considers both costs and benefits, but Gorsuch bases his conclusions on one without the other. 

Third, and relatedly, the relative costs and benefits of regulation is fundamentally an empirical question, but Gorsuch's analysis is anecdotal.....

KEEP READING

Saturday, August 3, 2024

Yahya Sinwar - leader of HAMAS in Gaza - By David Remnick | The New Yorker


Yahya Sinwar, Hamas Gaza leader, poses in front of his ruined home.


Notes from Underground | The New Yorker

Notes from Underground

The life of Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas in Gaza.

Thursday, August 1, 2024

Former Assistant AG Jeffrey Clark disciplined by DC Bar

https://www.politico.com/news/2024/08/01/jeffrey-clark-law-license-suspension-00172320

Trump at Black Journalists Conference in Chicago - video mashup

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