Wednesday, July 3, 2024

Chevron By Another Name - by Adrian Vermeule



Adrian Vermeule- plain spoken as usual - sees C.J.John Roberts opinion for the Court reversing Chevron v. NRDC in Loper Bright v. Raimondo - as one which substitutes  "Loper Delegation" as largely consistent with the hands off agency applications of statutory authority in administrative law cases.
In essence, he argues that "Loper delegation" demands less of judges than some fear.  It ill, in the main, lead to deference to reasonable agency applications of imprecisely or broadly stated legislative grants of authority to federal agency administrators.

Unlike some on the religious right, Vermeule is a defender of the so-called administrative state.  With Cass Sunstein - in their book Law and Leviathan - Redeeming the Administrative State - his defense is grounded in a Lon Fuller type approach to law's internal morality.  The Yale Journal on Regulations hosted a symposium on the Sunstein/Vermeule book.


Chevron By Any Other Name - by Adrian Vermeule

Please, everyone, take a deep breath. Although the Supreme Court’s decision in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo has now overruled the Chevron decision on deference to agencies, there is much less to Loper Bright than meets the eye. Overheated praise and overheated condemnation of the decision both miss the mark. It is entirely possible that much or most of what was (somewhat misleadingly) called “Chevron deference” can be and will be recreated under a different label: “Loper Bright delegation.” Indeed, the Court has already recreated it under that label, in the Loper Bright opinion itself.

Let me begin with Henry Monaghan, a brilliant scholar of public law from Columbia University, and an article he wrote in 1983 titled “Marbury and the Administrative State.” Monaghan’s central point was that there was no logical inconsistency between saying two different things: (1) the constitutional power and duty of judges to say what the law is, and the Administrative Procedure Act’s instruction to courts to decide all relevant questions of law,1 require judges to decide all legal questions independently; (2) agencies rather than courts may have the authority to fill in the details of statutory gaps or ambiguities. The reason those two things are consistent is simple. When judges identify the “best reading” of the statute, that best reading might itself just be that an explicit or implicit congressional delegation of such authority to the agency has occurred. Justice Kagan has underscored this point a number of times.

What are the logical consequences of Monaghan’s view? In a paper for an excellent recent symposium on Chevron deference in the George Mason Law Review, I explained that, on Monaghan’s logic, Chevron could be “overruled” in name, but then immediately reinstated under a different label — the label of delegation. That reinstatement could even occur in the very same decision that “overruled” Chevron. If I may be forgiven a self-quotation:

“[On this possibility,] deference will be reframed but not eliminated. The overruling majority will say—along lines indicated by Professor Henry Monaghan decades ago—that de novo or plenary judicial review of agency legal interpretations is required by legal sources (either by the Administrative Procedure Act (“APA”), by Article III, or both). Yet the Court will also say that de novo interpretation might of course itself yield the conclusion that, in a given statute, Congress has delegated primary responsibility to agencies to fill in statutory gaps or ambiguities, subject to judicial review to ensure that agencies have remained within the scope of the delegation and chosen policy on reasonable grounds. This second possibility—call it retail Chevron rather than wholesale Chevron—will offer the Justices skeptical of Chevron an attractive resolution of the[ir] dilemma; it will allow the majority not only to overrule Chevron but, even more importantly, to be seen to overrule Chevron, while also largely preserving Chevron’s major source of appeal to judges—a way to avoid having to actually do fully independent interpretation of statutory terms that are vague, technical, or both.”

That is what has now occurred, almost exactly. ***

Tuesday, July 2, 2024

Rudy Giuliano disbarred: Matter of Giuliani (2021-00506).pdf

Matter of Giuliani (2021-00506).pdf
 
Supreme Court of the State of New York Appellate Division, First Judicial Department Dianne T. Renwick, P.J., Sallie Manzanet-Daniels Troy K. Webber Cynthia S. Kern Anil C. Singh, JJ. Motion Nos. 2024-01332 2024-02063 Case No. 2021-00506 In the Matter of RUDOLPH W. GIULIANI (ADMITTED AS RUDOLPH WILLIAM GIULIANI
**All concur. 
Wherefore, it is Ordered that the motion by the Attorney Grievance Committee for the First Judicial Department to confirm the Referee’s report and recommendation pursuant to 603.8-a(t)(4) and 22 NYCRR 1240.8(b)(2) is granted, and respondent Rudolph W. Giuliani, admitted as Rudolph William Giuliani, is disbarred from the practice of law, effective immediately, and until the further order of this Court, and his name stricken from the roll of attorneys and counselors-at-law in the State of New York;

Trump v.United States of America - Opinions

 https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf

E.J. Dionne | How Biden can undo his debate performance damage - The Washington Post

I too was shocked by Biden''s weakness in the debate with Trump.   Biden's voice was thin, his remarks reasonably good but overwhelmed by Trump's strong voice and relentless lies and blustering.  But remember that those are the techniques by which Trump in 2016 blew away even the powerful, bloviating bully Chris Christie.
E.J. Dionne is a welcome commenter.- GWC
Opinion | How Biden can undo his debate performance damage - The Washington Post
***A CBS poll released Sunday was not encouraging for Biden. It found that the proportion of registered voters saying Biden did not have the mental and cognitive health to serve as president rose from 65 percent in early June to 72 percent after the debate.
If he does, he owes those who support him a clear strategy for undoing Thursday’s damage. He needs to do a series of televised interviews, including many in less than friendly settings. He’ll have to step up his campaign appearances, offering more speeches along the lines of his energetic performance in North Carolina on Friday.