In Re Debs 158 U.S.
564 (1885)
In Re Debs is grounded in the comfortable acceptance of the assertion of federal authority. Before the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments no such broad asertion would have been possible: EXCEPT for the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and its enforcing acts. Those principles and statues were the most dramatic statements of state sovereignty. until the defeat of the secessionists in the Civil War 1861-1865.
But post 1877 the system of racial segregation - our apartheid - sharply limited the federal, that is, national power embedded in our structure by the post-Civil War Amendments.
But now - faced with the rise of indusrial unioism - the U.S. Mail, a Constituional power became the tool of choice to combat the labor movement's tool of the strike which could threaten the power of the great railroads. Protection of interstate
commerce and the refusal of the RR companies
to operate mail trains without Pullman cars were key elements of the President Grover
Cleveland and the Department of Justice decision to heed the call of the railroads
to break the sympathy strike.
Nothing at that scale had happened before. Though there were some local injunctions none
was cited by the Supreme Court. Despite
the familiar language of state sovereignty and enumerated powers neither the Illinois
Governor nor the Chicago Mayor had been consulted or notified of the DOJ’s decision
to intervene. *
The decision of the railroads to refuse to run trains without
Pullman Cars was a key stratagem. It
nationalized the conflict. If the mails
were delivered, and trains ran without Pullman sleeping cars, the strike would
have been seen as an inconvenience, a matter principally affecting one company
and first class passengers on inter-city trains.
An interesting split in the Democratic Party appeared. Grover Cleveland was a former New York
Governor and leader of the so-called Bourbon Democrats – generally pro-business,
pro gold standard, and anti-imperialist. He was in his second (split) term – re–elected
after four years out of power. Cleveland,
and Woodrow Wilson, were the only Democrats elected as President from the civil
war until Franklin Roosevelt in 1932.[1]
The bold assertion of authority by the national government ran
counter to southern Democratic Party resistance to the national
government. An attitude that Jefferson
Cowrie, winner of last year’s Pulitzer for history – Freedom’s
Dominion – called ‘racialized anti-statism’.
Grover Cleveland, a Buffalo lawyer, former
mayor, Democrat and second term President, acceded to the railroad General
Managers Association demand for exercise of national power. But his fellow northern Democrats – Governor
John Peter Altgeld -and Carter Harrison, four term Democratic Party mayor of Chicago both believed that they were
already were successfully handling the few outbreaks of picket line violence.
Illinois Governor Altgeld saw the strike’s law enforcement
problems as well in hand. He had deployed
the state militia [National Guard] to the few hot spots, none of which was in
the rail center of Chicago. The Mayor too
was neither alarmed nor consulted by the Department of Justice – then only
fifteen years old. But the state of good
order would change when the Department of Justice swore in as deputies and deployed
5,000 Pinkerton men in Chicago alone.
The Courts were ready and willing converts to the anti-labor
cause. Not only did the issuance of
broad anti-strike injunctions, displacing state power, become routine, but also
the Lochner v. New York (1905) era followed. The courts, relying on the ideology of
freedom of contract, repeatedly struck down state laws governing age and hours
of labor. The high court found
impermissible New York’s limit of labor hours to ten per day and sixty per
week. Child
labor laws too
would soon fall.
- GWC
- updated 9/21/2025
[1]Republican
domination was aided by creating the large, thinly populated states of the upper
mid-west and Rocky Mountains. Their
votes countered the disproportionate southern Democratic strength achieved by disenfranchising
Black voters.
* cf.
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